Last year when I was waiting for my breast cancer surgery, we decided to take a last minute vacation to Bavaria, which included a stay in Nuremberg as well as a later visit to Dachau, north of Munich, which was the prototype for Nazi concentration camps. While in Nuremberg, we stood in many locations where Hitler gave speeches to whip his fellow countrymen into patriotic acts that ultimately led to unprecedented crimes against humanity.

After this trip, I watched the movie Judgment at Nuremberg (1961) which is not about the trial of the “big twenty” war criminals, but instead shows subsequent trials of judges who operated under the Nazi system, sentencing people for newly invented crimes that they knew were wrong. The defense put forward in the 1961 movie is that they shouldn’t be held accountable because they were “just following orders.” In other words, the only ones who can be held accountable are the top leaders whose edicts are made with the impunity that comes with their unchecked power. The international tribunal ultimately rejected this abdication of personal responsibility, and this rejection became the basis for international law, something that was invented after World War II. Prior to that, all laws were enforced at the national level. This set the precedent and basis for international law: it’s not enough to merely follow orders when those orders are immoral. You are still responsible for your own actions.

A few weeks ago, I watched the 2025 film Nuremberg, which depicts the trial of the top Nazi leaders, in particular Hermann Goering. I had lost a lot of respect for Russell Crowe after hearing he chucked a phone at a hotel worker in a fit of pique, but his turn as Goering was perfection. He made him seem just what he was–a relatable if narcissistic human who allowed others to be casualties of his patriotic fervor and belief that might makes right. At his trial, the original Nuremberg trial, he couldn’t hide behind the Nuremberg defense because with Hitler dead, he was the highest ranking Nazi leader, and he was Hitler’s right hand man. He justified his actions on the following basis:

  • He didn’t start the war, but once it began, his job was to ensure victory for Germany.
  • He denied that his actions were ever dictated by a desire to murder, rob or enslave foreign peoples. In other words, his motives were justified, and the outcomes were beyond his personal control.
  • He defended Germany’s suppression of opposition, stating that they “had had enough of it” and it was “time to be done with it and start building up.” Woof, that sounds familiar.
  • He denied personal knowledge of the specific atrocities and placed ultimate blame on Hitler who had already died by suicide.

He remained defiant, dying by suicide hours before his scheduled hanging. His testimony, at times, calls into question the ability to hold people accountable for such heinous crimes, what we now call “war crimes.” In his opening statement, Justice Jackson said:

“Civilization asks whether law is so laggard as to be utterly helpless to deal with crimes of this magnitude by criminals of this order of importance. It does not expect that you can make war impossible. It does expect that your juridical action will put the forces of international law, its precepts, its prohibitions and, most of all, its sanctions, on the side of peace, so that men and women of good will, in all countries, may have “leave to live by no man’s leave, underneath the law.”

Many of the Nazi leaders had very high IQs. Goering’s IQ tested at 138. Hitler’s IQ was not tested, but was estimated by experts to be around 140. Aside from that, the movie (and history) have largely concluded that these were not evil people, but normal people who rationalized evil acts. They were extremely confident that they were personally right, and that their nation was superior and deserved victory. The reason it’s important to recognize these rationalizations is not because it tells us who the evil people are; it’s because normal human beings rationalize the terrible things we do to avoid being held accountable. Goering’s defenses included political logic, moral distancing, denial of responsibility and appeals to nationalism. These were all designed to hide crimes against humanity. His chief arguments included:

  • “I was restoring German greatness.” (Nationalism as Moral Justification). He claimed his actions restored justice in the wake of WWI and the Treaty of Versailles that had greatly reduced Germany’s independence and military capabilities. He also used this justification to take territory (the Sudetenland) from the Czech Republic which he said was necessary to ensure German survival. Any action that strengthened the nation was recast as moral, even if it violated the sovereignty of other nations.
  • “I followed Hitler’s orders, but I didn’t know everything.” This is a common refrain in the 2025 film. Goering, Hitler’s second-in-command, frequently blamed Himmler or lower level officials for the most heinous crimes committed. Goering claimed he was not aware of the Final Solution (the Holocaust which resulted in the murder of 2/3 of the Jewish population of Europe). His claim that he didn’t know is belied by the fact that he signed the 1941 order authorizing the “Final Solution,” and he had been briefed on Jewish policy.
  • Actions taken were a “wartime necessity.” Goering excused atrocities committed by the Nazi regime as military strategy, saying things like “all nations do this in war” and “The Allies bombed civilians first” (which was not true). Boiled down, this argument means that war trumps all moral obligations and normal ethics. Given that Germany started the war, it also excuses waging war as a pretext for whatever crimes occur during the conflict.
  • “I was protecting the German people.” This is moral inversion, or using violence against a subset of citizens to protect the whole. In declaring some of the population (their political opponents) “enemies of the state,” they could justify whatever means they used to silence dissent as a defense of the “good” citizens (their supporters).
  • “Anti-Jewish Laws were bureaucratic solutions, not cruelty.” Rather than focusing on the inhumane treatment, including murder, of the newly disenfranchised Jews who had been stripped of their citizenship, Goering minimized the actions taken by referring to them as administrative, legal measures, enforcing the newly created Nuremberg laws that included exclusion from professions, restrictions on movement, self-identification requirements, detainment, and propetry seizures. The justification for these draconian laws was that the Jews had too much influence and were an economic threat. Dehumanizing a group as a “problem” justifies oppressive policies.
  • “I never intended extermination.” Goering continually distanced himself from the Holocaust by claiming that his intentions were for the good of Germany, that he didn’t know what Himmler and the SS were doing. He used a three pronged strategy: Distance > Deny > Deflect.
  • “This trial is hypocritical.” Because the Nuremberg trials were the first time an international court was convened in this manner, Goering claimed that these were show trials, a “victor’s justice” meaning that they were just a way for the victors to justify killing the German leaders. He claimed that it was all lawfare, and that its judgments were political, not moral. If everyone is guilty, then no one is guilty.
  • “I was a soldier, not a criminal.” In essence, this is the same as what we now call “the Nuremberg Defense,” the idea that he was just following orders from a sense of duty and patriotism. In this defense, obedience and patriotism override ethical constraints, but this is the very definition of blind obedience to authority. It’s one reason that US armed forces swear an oath to the constitution, not to any human leader, and that they are obligated to refuse to follow illegal orders.
  • “Germany needed strong leadership.” This theme was used to legitimize dictatorship as a necessary form of government due to how “weak and chaotic” the Weimar Republic was, according to Nazi leadership. Harsh measures were necessary to “restore order.” Democracy was insufficient and “did not fit the German character.”
  • “I only wanted what was best for Germany.” This is an example of narcissistic absolutism. Goering saw himself as a great man, a visionary, someone who was so superior and so vital to Germany’s success that opposing him meant you were an enemy of the state, the victims of his war crimes were threats that needed to be crushed, and only he and his fellow Nazi leaders were the true protectors of German culture.
ThemeHow He Used ItPurpose
Nationalism“I saved Germany.”Make crimes seem patriotic.
Authority“I followed orders.”Shift blame upward.
Denial“I didn’t know.”Avoid responsibility.
Minimization“It wasn’t that bad.”Recast atrocities as administrative.
Deflection“The Allies did it too.”Delegitimize the trial.
Moral Inversion“We protected the nation.”Justify repression as necessity.

It’s important to understand these justifications so that we can see them for what they are. They aren’t unique to Goering or to Naziism. They hide oppressive, authoritarian or criminal acts behind a screen of supposed virtues: patriotism, duty, loyalty, tradition, protection, security, order. It’s one reason I wrote the controversial OP Loyalty is a Tricky Virtue. I think it would be hard to argue at this point that the church is not authoritarian in terms of the expectations of obedience to leaders, particularly given the injunction against criticism leveled by the current church president; it at least flirts with its own authoritarianism. It’s also a relevant topic given that the current Secretary of Defense (of War?) committed acts that are definitionally war crimes (killing unarmed so-called enemy combatants with a “kill them all” order against Narco-terrorists with no official declaration of war, no arrests, and no trials).

In the 2025 film, the psychiatrist Dr Kelley (depicted by Rami Malek) warns Justice Jackson that he is not prepared to defeat Goering on the stand, that Goering is too smart, too prepared, and too compelling in his defenses. It’s a warning worth heeding, and reading the actual transcripts is well worth your time if you haven’t. You may even recognize yourself in some of his arguments, if obviously not his ideology.

No trial provides a better basis for understanding the nature and causes of evil does than the Nuremberg trials from 1945 to 1949. Those who come to the trials expecting to find sadistic monsters are generally disappointed. What is shocking about Nuremberg is the ordinariness of the defendants: men who may be good fathers, kind to animals, even unassuming–yet who committed unspeakable crimes. Years later, reporting on the trial of Adolf Eichmann, Hannah Arendt wrote of “the banality of evil.” Like Eichmann, most Nuremberg defendants never aspired to be villains. Rather, they over-identified with an ideological cause and suffered from a lack of imagination or empathy: they couldn’t fully appreciate the human consequences of their career-motivated decisions.

But, we are not powerless, even when it feels like it. One of the most interesting exchanges in the trial was when Justice Jackson tried to determine if Goering viewed their movement as anti-democratic:

MR. JUSTICE JACKSON: In other words, you did not believe in nd did not permit government, as we call it, by consent of the governed, in which the people, through their representatives, were the source of power and authority?

GOERING: That is not entirely correct. We repeatedly called on the people to express unequivocally and clearly what they thought of our system, only it was in a different way from that previously adopted and from the system in practice in other countries. We chose the way of a so-called plebiscite. We also took the point of view that even a government founded on the Leadership Principle could maintain itself only if it was based in some way on the confidence of the people. If it no longer had such confidence, then t would have to rule with bayonets, and the Fuehrer was always of the opinion that that was impossible in the long run-to rule against the will of the people.

The questioning goes on to reveal, however, that even when political opposition was completely squelched, punished by detainment in concentration camps and worse, when Parliament had been disbanded, and when all fairness in elections was eliminated, when citizens were required to acknowledge the Fuhrer’s authority, when information was reduced to pro-Nazi propaganda, when all opposing political parties were outlawed, Goering believed that the Fuhrer was subject to the will of the people. It’s similar to how we have a sustaining vote, and anyone who dissents is immediately removed, or how Reed Smoot explained that under the Law of Sarah (and D&C 132), if a wife disagreed with her husband’s choice to take another wife, he could still proceed. Her consent was “just her consent, nothing more.” If there is no recognized dissent, is consent really consent?

  • Do you think Mormons have a loyalty problem? An authoritarianism problem?
  • Do you recognize history repeating itself?
  • If you’ve seen the 2025 film, did you find Goering more sympathetic than you expected?
  • Which of these arguments do you find most compelling? Which do you find least convincing?
  • Have you found yourself using these justifications to explain your actions?
  • Do you think blowing up boats in the Caribbean constitutes a war crime? Is it possible to hold powerful nations accountable for war crimes, or does might make right?

Discuss.