I recently finished reading Andrea Dworkin’s 1983 feminist tome, Right Wing Women. Although I was raised by one, I have struggled most of my life to understand why women would accept the crumbs offered by patriarchy, and this book was an eye-opening critique of the failed promises and devil’s bargain that women are forced into by both the right and the left. While some elements of the book feel a little dated now (e.g. marital rape and domestic violence are no longer the norm they once were), it is still useful as a time capsule to explain where we were and how we got where we are. Women’s equality is one of those trains that never seems to make it to the station.

Given that the church is mostly conservative and certainly patriarchal, it’s not a surprise that the majority of women at church align with the right wing women described in Dworkin’s book. What I found useful was that she doesn’t vilify these women. She clearly shows that, while they’ve made a devil’s bargain, they aren’t wrong about their assessment of the bleak alternatives. They don’t fall for what the left is offering them either. In the famous words of SNL alum Danitra Vance (RIP):

“Call me a whore. Call me a slut. Call me a wife. Sluts do it for money. Wives do it for refrigerators.”

Dworkin says more or less the same thing, but not quite so pithily:

“Right-wing women are correct when they say that they are worth more in the home than outside it. In the home their value is recognized and in the workplace it is not. In marriage, sex labor is rewarded: the woman is generally “given” more than she herself could earn at a job. In the marketplace, women are exploited as cheap labor. The argument that work outside the home makes women sexually and economically independent of men is simply untrue. Women are paid too little. And right-wing women know it . . .

Devaluation of women’s labor outside the home pushes women back into the home and encourages women to support a system in which, as she sees it, he is paid for both of them—her share of his wage being more than she could earn herself.”

She points out that right wing women lean into the devil’s bargain of marriage. Rather than be subject to the sexual violence and exploitation of all men, they choose one man who can exploit them within marriage, whom they can “manage” one on one, who (according to the rules of patriarchy) will be obligated to protect them from the other men.

“Right-wing women see that within the system in which they live they cannot make their bodies their own, but they can agree to privatized male ownership: keep it one-on-one, as it were. They know that they are valued for their sex—their sex organs and their reproductive capacity—and so they try to up their value: through cooperation, manipulation, conformity; through displays of affection or attempts at friendship; through submission and obedience; and especially through the use of euphemism—”femininity,” “total woman,” “good,” “maternal instinct,” “motherly love.” Their desperation is quiet; they hide their bruises of body and heart; they dress carefully and have good manners; they suffer, they love God, they follow the rules.”

By contrast, the empty promises of choice, sexual freedom, and equal opportunity on the left are revealed by Dworkin to be a mask for the real desires of male allies: more sexual access to more women. If women can have abortions, nothing will hold them back from promiscuous sexual encounters, or so the thinking went. In reality, when this did not materialize, and women still didn’t want to have sex with everyone all the time, many left-leaning male allies lost interest in fighting for women’s equality. Additionally, allowing women more access to the workplace, a traditionally male space, didn’t come with equal pay, protections if they chose to have children, and certainly didn’t come with freedom from sexual harassment. The supposed equal access to employment still doesn’t provide those things to American women in 2025.

“On the Left, women will have abortion on male terms, as part of sexual liberation, or women will not have abortion except at risk of death . . . [Right wing women] are not dazzled by the promise of abortion as choice, as sexual self-determination, as woman’s control of her own body, because they know that the promise is crap: as long as men have power over women, men will not allow abortion or anything else on those terms.”

So I asked ChatGPT to evaluate the relevance of Dworkin’s arguments to the issues women face today, 42 years later.

DWORKIN ON THE RIGHT: Still Resonant?

Original ArgumentStill Relevant Today?Contemporary Evidence
Promise of protection through submission✅ YesMany conservative women (e.g., in evangelical or traditionalist Catholic circles) still express that male leadership provides “security.” Online influencers like “TradWives” promote these roles.
Appeal of moral clarity and structure✅ StronglyRight-wing women often cite moral clarity, religious faith, and fixed gender roles as reasons they feel grounded—particularly as progressive spaces grow more complex.
Valuing women in domestic roles✅ Still presentPolicies like anti-abortion laws and resistance to paid leave reinforce women’s roles as mothers and caretakers. This message resonates with many working-class and religious women.
Redemptive meaning in suffering⚠️ NuancedSome Christian movements still frame motherhood, obedience, and hardship as spiritual sacrifices. But this language is less dominant among younger conservatives.
Right sees women as weaker, but necessary to control male lust✅ Still widespreadPurity culture, modesty doctrines, and right-wing sexual politics (e.g., transphobia, anti-feminism) still cast women as morally responsible for male behavior.

DWORKIN ON THE LEFT: Still Accurate?

Original ArgumentStill Relevant Today?Contemporary Evidence
Sexual liberation still benefits men more than women✅ YesMany feminists still critique hookup culture and liberal sexual norms as catering to male desire more than female agency. Movements like “feminist celibacy” are emerging.
Leftist men still exploit women while claiming to be allies✅ Sadly yesProminent #MeToo cases (e.g., Louis C.K., progressive media figures) reveal that left-leaning spaces haven’t been immune to misogyny or abuse.
Liberation without protection = abandonment✅ Strong pointWomen leaving traditional roles (especially poor or racialized women) still often lack housing, healthcare, or security—highlighting systemic gaps in progressive policy.
Progressive spaces ignore sexual trauma⚠️ MixedAwareness has increased (e.g., Title IX, campus activism), but some feminist activists argue that certain leftist circles still downplay trauma in favor of “sex positivity.”
Equality at work doesn’t mean real power✅ Still trueDespite decades of gains, women—especially women of color—are underrepresented in leadership and still do more unpaid labor at home. “Leaning in” often benefits elite women only.

ChatGPT then added some really interesting current examples of these arguments that really bring it home:

Modern Real-World Examples

TopicRight-Wing Women’s AppealDworkin’s Left Critique in Action
Anti-abortion activismOffers moral purpose, community, and a role as “protectors of life”Left frames abortion as empowerment, but lacks support systems like universal childcare or paid leave for women who do have children
Tradwife influencersRomanticize submission and homemaking as safe havens from modern chaosLiberal sex culture often fails to address trauma, coercion, and emotional neglect
Female support for TrumpSome women see him as a defender against threats (immigrants, crime, liberal elites)Progressive men’s feminism often ends at rhetoric—real power-sharing is rare
Online misogyny & porn cultureRight frames itself as a resistance to objectificationLiberal spaces often ignore how exploitative or violent sexual “freedom” can be for women

To some extent, this is because of one of the splits in feminism, sex-positive feminism and sex-negative (or radical) feminism. Sex-positive feminists seem to be ascendant on the left, and proliferate in media. These are the feminists who claim the right to sex when and how they want it, but who also mainstream things that some women find harmful (e.g. “light choking” becoming a norm, destigmatizing all sexual acts, provided “consent” is obtained). Sex-negative feminists are more wary of sex, considering it deeply shaped by a power imbalance that favors men and often masks exploitation. Obtaining consent can still involve manipulation and coercion where a power imbalance exists. Additionally, reproduction is always linked to male pleasure, often at the expense of female pleasure.

Which brings us to the bear that many women chose over meeting a strange man in the woods. This was a TikTok trend last year in which women answered the question “Would you rather be stuck in the woods with a random man or a bear?” A lot of women answered:

Bears will kill you for food, but a random man might torture, rape and kill you for pleasure. It’s a dark joke that expresses the fear many women have of the unpredictability of male violence. It’s why all women know to hold their car keys as a concealed weapon when walking alone at night to our cars, why women going on a date always tell a friend where they will be and many women share their locations with friends, and why women are keenly aware of the exits when they meet someone for the first time. It’s why men say the thing they are most afraid of when dating a new person is being laughed at while women say being murdered is their biggest fear. Choosing the bear is a woman’s way of saying “I’d rather deal with nature than gamble on a man I don’t know. At least nature behaves in mostly predictable ways.”[1]

In essence, the man or bear argument shows that neither the right nor the left have effectively addressed the omnipresent fear of men that is in women’s lives. Both ideologies have, above all, protected the rights and privileges of men, including sexual and reproductive supremacy, rather than creating equality for women. Without safety, equality is not truly possible.

The LDS church is slightly more sex positive than its conservative counterparts or at least it usually has been. It doesn’t laud marital rape as a man’s right (at least not currently–leaders from many decades ago said a lot of things that don’t hold up), it does lip service to a form of equality in marriage (with the man somehow “presiding” but not actually telling women to submit and obey their husbands). According to Dworkin, here’s the marriage bargain being sold by the right:

  • Shelter. Women without husbands are essentially “homeless,” waiting for their marriage to actually have a place of refuge. They are at the mercy of strange men and need male protection.
  • Safety. The world is a dangerous place for women. One wrong move, even an unintentional smile at the wrong man, can lead to assault, shame, disgrace. If a woman is obedient to the rules, harm will not befall her.
  • Rules. Both men and women are subject in this world that was created by men for men. If she learns the rules and follows them, she is more likely to survive. The Right, unlike the Left, gives women a very clear rulebook to follow and also promises that men, despite their absolute sovereignty, will follow the specified rules for their gender.
  • Love. Women’s obedience is reframed as love. They show their love by obeying, maintaining order and stability, being accountable for female functions: domesticity, childbearing and child rearing. A man’s love is expressed through material support and physical protection, not necessarily emotional or domestic support which are optional extras.

Women who don’t accept what the Right is offering are on their own.

  • Do you see Dworkin’s ideas as relevant today? In what ways? Which ideas are outdated?
  • Do you hear these “right wing” narratives at Church?
  • Do you agree with these points?
  • Where did you fall in the man vs. bear debate?

Discuss.

[1] Although Cocaine Bear was pretty terrifying.